The conclusion of the First World War and the early interwar period in the former Austro-Hungarian Empire was perhaps one of the most politically unstable periods in Central European History. The Wilsonian cry for self-determination of ethnicities in Europe during the Great War had fueled nationalism within the former Austria-Hungary, causing delegations of Romanians, Serbs, Slovaks, Czechs, Ukrainians, Carpatho-Rusyns, and Serbs to form Congresses to push for political autonomy and recognition.
During the mid-19th century, following the revolutions of 1848, Carpatho-Rusyn identity in Austrian Galicia and the Lands of the Crown of St. Stephen (Pre-Trianon Hungary) entered a phase of cultural awakening. Over the next century, there would be three political orientations that Carpatho-Rusyn intellectuals would follow: the most popular was the Russophile orientation supporting unity with the Russian state; the Ukrainophile orientation which wanted to unite all historical “Ruthenian” lands under one state; and the Rusynophile orientation, which was much smaller in size but wanted Carpatho-Rusyns to have their own and distinct cultural autonomy. These three orientations influenced various political movements during the 19th century and well into the 20th century. At the end of the First World War, the Lemko-Rusyns found themselves in an internal cultural-political gridlock between the three orientations.
The Lemkos, an interesting subgroup of the Rusyn people, historically inhabited a land known as Lemkovyna, which geographically sits on the northern slopes of the Carpathian Mountains on the southern edge of modern Poland. Lemko was initially an ethnonym used by outsiders to describe the Rusyns of the northern slopes of the Carpathians, but then eventually transformed into a self-identifying term.
In 1918, there were technically two Lemko Republics that formed; however, neither of these Lemko republics was ever officially recognized by any nation. The aforementioned issues regarding Rusyn political orientation were a large factor in the formation of each. The first was formed on November 4, 1918, known as the Komancza Republic or the “Eastern Lemko Republic.” By today’s standards, this nation would be considered a largely irrelevant microstate, as it was only an association of 33 Lemko villages in Eastern Lemkovyna. It was led by a Byzantine Greek Catholic priest named Panteleymon Shpylka (Пантелеймон Шпилька) and had the ultimate aim to eventually merge with the newly formed West Ukrainian People’s Republic, which controlled much of the former Eastern Galicia during the Polish-Ukrainian War of 1918 and 1919.
The Komancza Republic was eventually crushed by Polish troops only two months after they had declared their independence.
The second state, officially known as the Lemko-Rusyn People’s Republic (Руска Народна Република Лемків) was formed on December 5th, 1918. The Lemko Republic was initially predominantly Russophile in orientation but changed its goals to fit local geopolitical realities.
Indeed, Lemkovyna was split by its orientations. The western half, which became the Lemko Republic, was typically more Russophile, while the Eastern half which became Komancza was significantly more Ukrainophile. This political divide can be roughly placed on the east and west sides of the Dukla Mountain Pass. In Western Lemkovyna, around the time of the formation of the Komancza Republic in the East, various councils were formed in towns and villages, which eventually resulted in a delegation of approximately 2000 Lemkos representing dozens of villages in the region. This delegation occurred in the town of Gladyszow. During the delegation, various topics were discussed regarding Lemko-Rusyn statehood and political orientation. This delegation directly led to the calling of a Rusyn Congress on December 5th, which would fully discuss the future of Rusyn politics and include other Rusyns, such as those from the diaspora and Slovakia, in addition to the Lemkos.
On December 5th, a large Congress of 500 Lemkos in addition to various Rusyns from other regions convened. Here, they solidified a Russophile orientation, as opposed to the Ukrainophile orientation that the Komancza Republic had declared a month earlier. This is where the Lemko Republic was declared, choosing Jaroslav Kacmarczyk as the de facto leader.
As a Russophile-oriented state, the Lemko Republic hoped to have close ties or even join the Russian Empire. The issue that emerged was following the Russian Revolutions of 1917, many Lemkos feared Bolshevism would spread throughout their land, with the Russian Civil War raging on. Many, including Kacmarczyk himself, figured that even a future Bolshevik-oriented Lemko State would become a necessary evil to fulfill their own political goals. Others within the Lemko Republic were only Russophile in the sense that they were ultimately betting on the Tsarist White Army regaining control of Russia, not wanting an alliance with the Bolsheviks.
However, by the middle of 1919, it was very apparent with the Russian Civil War having no end in sight, that seeking a union with Russia would practically be unfathomable at this time since the civil war had caused total anarchy within the Russian lands. Most in the leadership at this point, including Kacmarczyk, agreed that there would need to be other alternatives other than union with Russia.
The threat of the Polish-Ukrainian War was also apparent. Seeing that the Komancza Republic was crushed by the Polish by January 1919, the Lemko Republics leadership sought to associate themselves with the Polish government to protect themselves. Many within the Lemko leadership understood that by aligning themselves with the Poles, it was more likely that they would respect their political independence and or at the very least, grant them some sort of political autonomy once the Polish-Ukrainian War concluded.
As Ukrainophile views were uncommon, and Russophilia was becoming much softer in Lemkovyna, The Lemko Republic had to look to other nations in order to guarantee their survival. This is when the Rusynophile and then eventually Pro-Czechoslovak factions started to grow in influence. Lemkos started to look south to the Rusyns of the Presov Region of Slovakia for support.
Throughout 1919, Lemko and Presov Rusyn representatives were meeting with each other and formed the Carpatho-Rusyn National Council. At this point, the Rusynophile movement had begun to gain more traction. This council sought the unification of all the lands of the Carpathian Rus’, including Lemkovyna, Presov Rus’, and Subcarpathian Rus’ in order to merge with the Czechoslovak government as an autonomous region. The leadership of the Lemko Republic attempted to send an envoy to Paris for the Paris Peace Conference for the proposed idea to be ratified by the Western powers; however, the Polish government sent troops intercepting any sort of Lemko delegation attending the Conference. It was clear that the Polish Government’s agenda was to retain the lands of Lemkovyna under Polish control.
Things started to become even more difficult for the Lemko Republic when it was apparent that relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland were, to say it lightly, souring. This was mostly due to a variety of border disputes. To add fuel to this fire, some Rusyns in Czechoslovakia, notably Gregory Zatkovich, the de facto leader of Subcarpathian Rus’, felt it would be politically disastrous if the Czechoslovak government attempted to take control of the Lemko Republic. He felt that this proposal would ruin the relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland even more significantly. Eventually, the Rusyn Czechoslovak leadership completely abandoned the idea of including Lemkovyna in their borders, whether by annexation or diplomatic means.
The fate of the Lemko Republic was sealed by the Treaty of Saint-Germain in September 1919, which granted Poland virtually the entire territory of the former Galicia. By Early 1920, Polish troops solidified their hold over the lands of the Lemko Republic and put the leadership including Kacmarczyk on trial for treason and secession. The possibility of a united Carpatho-Rusyn autonomous region in Czechoslovakia by this point was over. Lemkovyna became a part of the Second Polish Republic, while the Presov region and Subcarpathian Rus’ region became a part of Czechoslovakia.
The future fate of the Lemko people is sad, to say the least. With Akcja Wisla (Operation Vistula) occurring in the late 1940s, Lemko Rusyns were forcibly removed from their homeland of Lemkovyna and spread amongst the newly recovered territories of Poland from Germany by the Soviet-controlled Polish government. Today, the historical lands of Lemkovyna only have a few thousand people that self-identify as Lemkos as a result.
The existence of the Lemko Republic is an interesting case study in the history of Rusyn politics. It shows us that the influence of the Russophile orientation was one of the ways in which Rusyns could search for political and cultural independence during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Ukrainophiles, on the other hand, sought unification with all the peoples that inhabited historical Ruthenia as Ukrainians. Ukrainophile Rusyns saw themselves and identified as Ukrainians, and at best saw themselves as a subgroup of the greater Ukrainian nation. Between these two ideologies, it can be argued that Russophilia can be seen as a necessary evil for the time. Even though from a modern perspective it seemed like the perfect ideology, Rusynophiles’ popularity was small at the time, and for good reason; an independent state of a united Carpathian Rus’ would have politically and economically not been viable, especially for the time. And even though union with Czechoslovakia including Lemkovyna would have been the most ideal scenario at the time, it is very unlikely that the Polish government would have allowed any such thing to occur without military intervention. This is true, especially considering the already contentious relationship between Czechoslovakia and Poland due to territorial disputes along their newly formed border.
The Lemko Republic teaches us that at one point a century ago, Carpatho-Rusyns had a growing movement for cultural sovereignty, in addition to the yearning for political autonomy and even full independence. Many Lemkos and other Carpatho-Rusyns saw themselves as a distinct ethnic group and would be willing to take many political risks to achieve it. However, we must remember that not all the Carpatho-Rusyns at the time subscribed to such ideals. The existence of the Komancza Republic shows us that there was a sizable amount of Carpatho-Rusyns that sought to exist in a united Greater Ukraine. But it seems like the further geographically removed from modern Ukrainian territories Carpatho-Rusyns were, the more likely there were to either be Rusynophile or Russophile in nature. Although this is not true in every case, I believe it follows this trend because geographic distance and separate history play a significant role in an ethnic group’s ethnogenesis. Rusyns that were furthest away Ukrainian-Galician nationalist influence very typically did not identify as Ukrainians. But geographic separation would not explain Russophilia as it does with Ukrainophilia, and for that, I would counter by saying Russophilia was a political necessity for the various Carpatho-Rusyn movements at the time, as I’ve already mentioned before.
Without the Russophile movement of the 19th century among the Rusyn intelligentsia, it is very likely that the Ukrainophiles would have taken over the intellectual base of the Rusyn movement. As a result, the cultural assimilation of the Rusyns into the greater Ukrainian ethnos would have been more apparent and more successful than it was over the years. I personally have issues with Russophilia, in both the modern and historical sense, as to me it’s a movement that wishes basically to completely subscribe to Russian dogma and Russian spheres of influence. By its nature, Russophilia seeks alignment with a larger nation that acts as a “protector” of what from an outsider’s point of view can be a “weak” Rusyn nation and national consciousness. Nevertheless, especially given the political realities of the time period, and furthermore considering the much less appealing dogma of Ukrainophiles that sought to assimilate Rusyns completely, Russophilia was certainly what I would consider a “necessary evil.” During the formation of the Lemko Republic, even Lemko Rusynophillia eventually evolved into a derivative that sought unity with another foreign entity – Czechoslovakia. This was yet another political necessity of the time given the constraints faced by the Lemkos existing in a quite politically contentious part of Central Europe.
At a certain point for the Lemko Republic, political ideology didn’t matter, as the eventual suppression by the Polish government also shows us one of the first major losses for the cause of Rusyn autonomy. As the 20th century carried on, only more losses would occur, culminating in the Soviet domination of Central Europe, which sought to fully Ukrainianize all Rusyns in Central Europe, justified by political pretext.
One can imagine what in an alternate history would have happened if the Western Powers allowed for the Lemko Republic to join Czechoslovakia. In my analysis, I believe that there would likely be a greater calling for autonomy in the Czechoslovak government, and the interwar year would have potentially been some of the most promising times for Rusyn cultural and political consciousness as a result. The combined regions of Lemkovyna, Subcarpathian Rus’, and Presov Rus’ would collectively form a sizeable Rusyn minority in the new Czechoslovak state. Given this fact, I believe there would have been two options for the Rusyn minority to consider. In the current timeline, both Slovaks and Rusyns were not given true de facto autonomy as was promised by the Czechs in interwar Czechoslovakia. The new united Rusyn lands would either call for separatism and independence, or greater de facto autonomy within the state. Czechoslovakia at the time was very multicultural, many residents were Germans and Hungarians in addition to Czech and Slovak, so fears of separatism among the Czech leadership would have already been elevated. As a result, it’s very likely the lands of Carpathian Rus’ would have been given legitimate autonomy, as well as the Slovaks and perhaps even the Sudeten Germans and Magyars, by the Czech leadership. With this autonomy, Carpathian Rus’ would have been allowed to be governed by Rusyn officials, in addition to instituting more language schools and spreading Rusyn culture and ethnic consciousness.
However, I still do believe that as World War 2 occurred, a similar fate would have occurred as is the reality today – Lemko Rusyns would’ve been Ukrainianized by the Soviets following the end of the Second World War. Even if Operation Vistula did not occur in this timeline, it is still likely cultural suppression would have been a reality. It would surely be more challenging for the Soviets to Ukrainiaze the Rusyns since the interwar years in this alternate timeline would’ve created a more powerful Rusyn identity within Eastern Europe. Even so, the Soviets would’ve gone along with their assimilation process. As my grandparents experienced in Presov Rus’ in the 1950s, Rusyn children would have been sent to Ukrainian schools, as well as in Lemkovyna. Furthermore, the importation of Ukrainians from Galicia and ethnic Russians into Subarcarpthian Rus’ would have also occurred much like the current timeline. It’s also likely that Lemkovyna would have been returned to the new Polish Socialist Republic based on historical precedent and political convenience. The one positive with this alternate timeline is that it’s very likely that following the fall of communism, the increase in consciousness that occurred in our current timeline in the 1990s would likely have happened as well, but to an even greater extent. This is true especially since Lemkovyna would have been populated with significantly more ethnic Lemkos-Rusyns in this alternative history. And there would also have been a larger cultural base for Rusyns to work with in this awakening. Of course, this is all speculation, an educated guess of alternate history theory at best, but I certainly think no matter the eventual outcome, the inclusion of Lemkovyna as a political entity into The First Czechoslovak Republic would have been a long-term net positive for the Rusyn movement.
In retrospect, studying the Lemko Republic offers us a glimpse into our Rusyn history that is typically not well known, and paints us a picture of how the Rusyns of previous generations fought for our rights, against the odds, even against more powerful political entities like the Russians, Poles, and Ukrainians.